With corrupt & repressive TPLF regime Ethiopia becoming a failed state a matter of time, while peacefully averted march on Harar by Oromos another poignant signal

5 Sep

Posted by The Ethiopia Observatory (TEO)

Bereaved families in Ethiopia, according to Aljazeera in its Ethiopia’s bereaved families seek justice, are demanding justice for 650 anti-government protesters who were killed last year.

They were from the largest ethnic group, the Oromo, and died during a government crackdown on dissent, as extensively reported by various international news sources and on a continual basis.

Despite repeated government promises that security forces responsible for civilian deaths will be punished, so far no one has been charged.

The 2016 violence by the state and the consequent deaths of high number of people and incarcerations of Ethiopians remain issue the United Nations has been seized with.

United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights has been persistent with his demands for this, which also brought him to Addis Abeba and talking to the TPLF officials in May 2017. Addis Abeba has chosen the strategy of stonewalling the demand for investigation by UN experts into the killings.

While it is unlikely there would be easy breakthrough on this matter, the United Nations has been uncomfortable with such a horrendous record on its shoulder Ethiopia becoming not only a member of the Security Council and already within the Human Rights Council, but also assuming the Security Council’s presidency for September.

Therefore, this has raised eyebrows within the United Nations and within the diplomatic community.

It’s in fact on assumption of the presidency and in the midst of a welcoming press conference for the president the Ethiopian Permanent Representative of Ethiopia to the United Nations journalists pressed him what is being done to resolve the country’s Oromia problem.

As part of the hazards of the diplomatic profession, Ambassador Tekeda Alemu had no relevant, for that matter correct answer, when he told (video) the questioning journalist the Oromo issue is not within the purview of the United Nations.

On the contrary, four months ago U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein was in Addis Abeba, among others, to impress the TPLF officials to recognise that there cannot be any closure to the high number of Ethiopian killings, without:

(a) investigation why those hundreds of Ethiopians were killed by the security forces; and,

(b) a clear acceptance of the “clear need for a much wider and freer civic space” in Ethiopia.

Consequently, it goes without saying that today the regime in Addis Abeba is much weaker than a year ago this time. It is confronted by a host of problems that may neither allow violence as usual as solution, time buying strategy nor an escape route from totally not addressing the multi-headed hydra.

The broader Ethiopian society is up in arms against the TPLF regime, denying it the essential collaboration between state and society, whose ties the state was the first to choose operations of the administration.

TPLF’s arrogant persistence in not allowing United Nations into the country to investigate those wanton killings of citizens would not go unanswered. For one, the regime could collapse, or with the internal situation of the country worsening the United Nations may seek to refer the Addis Abeba regime to the International Criminal Court (ICC), as it did this week in the case of Burundi.

The explanatory statement the United Nations gave read in part:

“Having concluded that serious human rights violations, including executions and sexual violence, are continuing in Burundi with impunity, a United Nations-appointed expert panel will ask the International Criminal Court (ICC) to open an investigation into possible crimes against humanity.”

All of the above have happened in Ethiopia for the greater part of the administration’s 26-year TPLF rule of the country, while it took turn to the worst in 2016. In limited manner these problems continue, with torture of prisoners and rape as the TPLF’s primary tools for fostering fear and humiliation.

Since the repression has topped anything citizens have known in their long history, the country’s present situation is made of combustibles. On one side, there is a vindictive regime that believes it is its right to demand obedience at all times and in every situation. On the other, Ethiopians have had enough and are now showing it that they cannot any more be cowered.

Today, the weakening economy has also brought in an intolerable degree of disfunction within state bureaucracy due to the political uncertainty in the country. State operations are also paralysed. While the TPLF is known to thrive on heavy dose economic growth propaganda and heavily doctored data, the reality has abandoned it.

While an average 8.0 percent inflation is anticipated for the fiscal year 2017-2018 that started on July 1st 2017, headline inflation has topped 10.4 percent already in August 2017. More difficult for the average to poor Ethiopians is food inflation, which had jumped to 13.3 percent in August. Prices of food are a challenge even for families with two incomes.

As stated in another article Monday, today’s Ethiopia is being assailed by terminal diseases, such as breast and cervical cancers, diabetes, mental illness, etc., against the backdrop of deepening poverty.

Just days ago, the TPLF regime was compelled to report officially the shocking spread of HIV/Aids in schools and higher institutions of learning throughout the country. This means, it is largely afflicting the nation’s youth, with those graduating staying home jobless and afraid of the security forces.

These problems could be symptomatic of the growing poverty in the country, overall frustration and possibly hopelessness. Momentarily concerning is the spread of the disease (Aids) in rural areas.

This is yet another indication of Ethiopia lacking is terribly lacking responsible government and effective national health and social policies.

In addition, aids is said to have followed the spread of poverty-driven prostitution, tailing infrastructural projects, such as roads and the many sugar factory construction undertakings in remote parts of the country.

Therefore, official incompetence, misbehaviour, public rejection of the regime, displeasure with its openly divisive politics and state incapacity to deliver services have increasingly become the aggravating factors breeding conflicts, for which Ethiopia in its present state is good candidate to becoming a failed state.

Quoting its sources, ESAT reported about a week ago, some external debts payable last week could not be offset, the country being short of foreign exchange. Even then, the news source states:

“While the country is underwater financially, members of the oligarchy, who are overlooking mega projects, were still benefiting and pocketing money meant to pay for projects. Two names mentioned by ESAT sources are Arkebe Oqubay, who is in charge of building industrial parks and Sufian Ahmed, the minister of finance.”

In brief, there are no serious and meaningful reforms are on the cards, save political deceits and deceits lawless states do. The central administration in Addis Abeba is not a government in the real sense of the word — it has increasingly become each TPLF ‘don’ has become a government unto itself.

On account of the above, Ethiopia is in worse situation today than in 2016, when popular protests were at their height, the original causes of which are violations of human rights of citizens, extremes of repression, regime’s members’ thievery of state resources, rural and urban lands grab!

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