የተባበሩት ዓረብ ኢሚሬቶች ለኢትዮጵያ የ$100ሚሊ ብድር ሠጠች! የሃገራችን ጉዳይ ዜጎችን ስለሚያገባን ምን ይሆን ውስጠ ስምምነቱ ስንል እንጠይቃለን!

24 Feb

Posted by  The Ethiopia Observatory (TEO)

አዲስ አበባ፣ የካቲት 16፣ 2012 (ኤፍ ቢ ሲ) ኢትዮጵያና የተባበሩት ዓረብ ኢሚሬቶች የ100 ሚሊየን ዶላር የብድር ስምምነት ተፈራረሙ።

የብድር ስምምነቱን የገንዘብ ሚኒስትሩ አቶ አሕመድ ሽዴ እና የከሊፋ ፈንድ የልማት ድርጅት ሊቀ መንበር ሁሴን ጃሲን አልኖዊስ ተፈራርመውታል።

ብድሩም በረጅም ጊዜ የሚከፈልና ቀላል የብድር አይነት መሆኑን የገንዘብ ሚኒስትሩ አቶ አሕመድ ሽዴ ተናግረዋል።

በዋናነት በኢትዮጵያ እየተካሄደ ያለውን ሃገር በቀል የኢኮኖሚ ማሻሻያ ለማገዝ ያለመና፥ ለአነስተኛ መካከለኛ ኢንተርፕራይዞች ልማት እንደሚውልም አስረድተዋል።

በተጨማሪም ለወጣቶች እና ሴቶች የስራ ዕድል ፈጠራ፣ ጀማሪ ስራ ፈጣሪዎችን ለማበረታታት፣ አዳዲስ ቴክኖሎጂዎችን ለመደገፍ እንዲሁም ለአቅም ግንባታ ይውላልም ነው ያሉት።

ብድሩ ሃገራቱ የሚያደርጉት ትብብር ማሳያ ነው ያሉት ሚኒስትሩ፥ የኢኮኖሚ እድገትን ለማጠናከር የሚደረገውን ጥረት የሚያግዝ መሆኑን ጠቅሰዋል።

የከሊፋ ፈንድ የልማት ድርጅት ሊቀ መንበር ሁሴን ጃሲን አልኖዊስ በበኩላቸው የብድር ስምምነቱ የየሃገራቱ መሪዎች የደረሱት ስምምነት አካል መሆኑን ገልጸዋል።

አያይዘውም ፈንዱ በቀጣይም ከኢትዮጵያ ጋር የሚያደርገውን ትብብር አጠናክሮ ይቀጥላል ብለዋል።

የገንዘብ ሚኒስትሩ አቶ አሕመድ ሽዴ እና የከሊፋ ፈንድ የልማት ድርጅት ሊቀ መንበር ሁሴን ጃሲን አልኖዊስ በፊርማው ወቅት (fanaphoto)

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UAE Pledges $3bn Aid & Investment To Ethiopia on June 19, 2008 (Foreign Policy Association)

የአምዱ አስተያየት:

ይህ የ$100 ሚሊዮን ዶላር  ብድር “በረጅም ጊዜ የሚከፈልና ቀላል የብድር ዐይነት መሆኑን” የገንዘብ ሚኒስትሩ አሕመድ ሽዴ ቢናገሩም—ለእንደ ኢትዮጵያ ዐይነት ድሃ ሃገር —ቀላል ገንዘብ አይደለም።

ብድሩ ያስፈለገበትም የወጭ ዐይነቶች ጠቅለል ያሉና በፋና እንደተገለጸው—በሃገሪቱ ያሉትን ሥራና ገንዘብ የሚሹ ግልጽ የዕጦቶች መስኮች የዳሰሰ ቢሆንም—አሁን እየተለመደው እንደመጣው ተጠያቂነት ከታች እስከ መሠረቱ በሌለበት ሁኔታ፣ ይህ ብድር ኢትዮጵያን ክፉኛ እንዳያደማ፣ ሃገራችንን የዕዳ መያዣ እንዳያደርጋት ሥጋት አለን።

ይህ ብድር የኢትዮጵያን ዜጎችን መብት የሚረግጥ በመሆኑ ብዙም አልጣመንም!

ጥሬ ምሮቶቻችንን ለእነርሱ አስተላልፈን፣ ሕዝባችን የበይ ተመልካች ባለሥልጣኖቻችንን ምክትል የዐረብ ሹማምንት እንዲሆኑ ታስቦ ማለት ነው— ለእነርሱ የተለዩ ጥቅማ ጥቅምች ጣል እየተደረጉላቸው?

የዕዳው ዘመን ምን ያህል ነው? ወለዱስ ለምን ምሥጢር ሆነ? ነፃ ምሣ በሌለበት ዓለም ውስጥ፡ በመልሱስ ኢትዮጵያ ለተባበሩት ዐረብ ኤምሬትስ ምን ልታደርግ ነው? የጎረቤት ሃገሮችን ማናጋትና ለዐረቦች ተገዥ ማድረግ፣ እስልምናን ማስፋፋት? ወይንስ በየቦታው እነርሱ በየጊዘው በሚዘፈቁባቸው ግጭቶች ወታደሮቻችንን ለመላክ? 

ስለሆነም በዜጎች ደረጃ ዘርዘር ባለ ሁኔታ ከላይ ለተነሱት ጥይቄዎችና ሌሎች ዜጎችም ለሚያነሷቸው ጥያቄዎች ማብራሪያ እንዲሠጡን በኢትዮጵያውያነታችን እንጠይቃለን!

በዚህ ባጭር ጊዜ የዐቢይ አስተዳደር ሥልጣን ከተረከበ ወዲህ፡ ብዙ ከዜጎች ብሔራዊ ፍላጎቶች ውጭ የሆኑ ጉዳዮች እየተፈጸሙ መሆናቸውን ስንታዘብ ከርመናል! መናገርና ማጋለጥ ብሔራዊ ግዴታችን በመሆኑ፡ እየዋጥነው ፀጥ አንልም!

 

The Nile Tsunami

…Ethiopia — a country previously considered as a stable regional hegemon, a robust emerging market, and a reliable counter-terrorism partner — is on the verge of meltdown, if not long-term civil strife.

Today, the Ethiopian government is caught between two serious challenges of domestic and foreign nature: the Oromo/Amhara mass protests tacitly supported by the West, and the water rights conflict with Egypt, Sudan and Somalia.

Ethiopia is claiming the lion’s share on the Nile that runs through it and other rivers that flow from its highlands for the Grand Renaissance Dam – thus presenting existential threats to the connected nations.

For the third time in three years, the Shabelle River has dried up, putting millions of Somalis at risk of starvation.

But the current government is not ready for a substantive change of guard. The longer the mass protests continue and the minority-led government continues to offer artificial or symbolic gestures of prisoner releases — while declaring a second ‘state of emergency’ in two years— the faster Ethiopia will become destabilised and the faster foreign investments will fizzle away.

Worse — though seemingly unthinkable — the ‘favorite nation’ status granted to Ethiopia after becoming the US’ main partner in the global ‘War on Terroris’ is slowly corroding.

Despite this week’s visit from US Secretary of State Rex Tillerson, the US State Department is gradually turning its back on Ethiopia for a number of reasons; chief among them, is its double-dealings on the South Sudan issue.

Despite the facade of US/China collaboration to end the South Sudan civil war, the geopolitical rivalry between these two giants has been pressuring Ethiopia to pledge exclusive allegiance to one over the other.

With China’s huge investments on Ethiopia, Sudan and South Sudan’s oil fields – making a choice won’t be too difficult…” (Regional and Geopolitical Impact of Ethiopia Meltdown)

 

Tripartite Grand Strategy

The US is being squeezed out of Djibouti by its geopolitical rival China and the Trump administration is yet to unveil a coherent policy towards the Horn. Meanwhile, China is building its first overseas base to project its ever-growing military power. China is already well established on a trade and development front across Africa. The infrastructure and political support system for its new Silk Road are already established or in progress.  Despite owning nearly 800 military bases in more than 70 countries, the Chinese expansion in the region, and indeed Africa, is giving the US what I would call a strategic vertigo.

AFRICOM still remains the floating State Department in charge of guarding US interests in the region with the same old guards – Ethiopia handling the political bidding and Erik Prince (Blackwater) and companies via the United Arab Emirates’ (UAE) DP World handling all matters intended to evade scrutiny and accountability. This may offer some perspective as to how a tiny Gulf nation became the key element through which the geopolitical landscape of the Arabian Peninsula and the Horn of Africa is redesigned.”

Transformation Made Easy

When, in mid-June Shaikh Mohammed Bin Zayed visited Ethiopia, the Abu Dhabi Fund for Development deposited $3.7 billion in the National Bank of Ethiopia– an amount equal to Turkey’s investment in Ethiopia. The day after, Ethiopia’s Prime Minister flew into Mogadishu. In a matter of about three hours, and without leaving the airport compound, the PM signed an agreement with the Somali President Mohamed Abdullahi Farmajo securing Ethiopia and her behind the scene client a historic consignment- four of Somalia’s most strategic Red Sea and Indian Ocean ports. And where cash is the king, it was not too difficult for the UAE to acquire a number of ports in Somalia, Eritrea and Sudan.

In the following month, the new Prime Minister visited Asmara to meet with President Isaias Afwerki of Eritrea. On that very same day, the two sworn enemies signed a peace agreement that immediately restored diplomatic relations, and promised the imminent resumption of flight services and the use of Eritrea’s port facilities for Ethiopia.

Within weeks, the Somali President lands in Asmara to meet with President Isaias and restore diplomatic relations with Eritrea. All of a sudden, ‘Africa’s North Korea’ became the hottest destination. The rest of the IGAD member states are in line to pay their homage, despite the fact that Eritrea is officially under sanctions. Interestingly, in what seemed haphazard and an orchestrated political cover for Ethiopia—the country that spearheaded the sanctions on Eritrea with tons of disinformation—President Farmajo called upon the UN Security Council to lift the sanctions. This not only “deeply shocked” Djibouti, it also triggered a domestic backlash against a president with slipping popularity and a government considered a political apparatus to advance various international projects.(Transformation Euphoria in the Horn of Africa)

 

 

 

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