Tag Archives: Abiy Ahmed

ታዛቢነት፣ ሽምጋይነት ወይስ ቀጭን መመሪያ አፍሳሺነት?

12 Feb

Posted by The Ethiopia Observatory (TEO)

በመርሃ ጽድቅ መኮንን ዐባይነህ


Cairo’s goal is to make Egypt owner of the Nile waters, while Ethiopia has been contributing 86 percent of the water to the longest river in the world, the Nile River.



The New York Times wallows in confusion, when it falsely portrayed Egypt’s past control of the Nile waters. I feel sorry for NYT, once my hometown paper.  It mis-adventurously wrote: “For Thousands of Years, Egypt Controlled the Nile. A New Dam Threatens That.”

Past Egyptian attempts up until the last quarter of the 19th century, unlike the understanding of The New York Times, was characterized by none of the sorts, possibly save Egypt persistently conspiring against Ethiopia. I am surprised a major newspaper should find itself in such awkward position.

The fact is on November 16, 1875, Ethiopian forces defeated Egyptians at the Battle of Gundet. Those who survived fled for their life. Come March 8-9, 1876, in an act of revenge, Egypt invaded Ethiopian position from its Red Sea post of Gura, according to historical records. Egypt faced the same fate, i.e., its force were routed out.

Given this, if the past is any guide to win-win solution to Egypt’s arid nature, the win-win solution is sharing the waters of the Nile River, in accordance with the 1997 first international water lawand a relief.

በአረብ ሃገራት ጣልቃ ገብነት የመከላከያ ግብግብ—Ethio360

19 Jan

Posted by The Ethiopia Observatory (TEO)



ስለተወሰኑ የመካከለኛው ምሥራቅ አረብ ሃገሮች በEthio 360 የተነሣውን

መረጃ ማዛመድና ማሰላሰል እንዲቻል


የሠይፉ ፋንታሁንም ገጽ ተውሰናል!


ለሁለቱም ፕሮግራሞች  ምሥጋናችን ይድረሳቸው!










ዐቢይ አሕመድ ታከለ ዑማን ለአዲስ አበባ ከንቲባነት ያሰየሙት ለመሬት ወረራ ነው መባሉ እውነት ኖሯልን?

6 Jan

The Ethiopia Observatory (TEO)


ተንታኝ  ኤርሚያስ ለገሠ መረጃ አለኝ በማለት እንደነገረን፣ ዶር ብርሃኑ ነጋ 

በእውነት የከተማዋ መሬት አስዘራፊ ነበርን?

ማነው ቁንጮ ተጠቃሚው? ምን በምን ይገመታል—እንዴትስ  ይለካል?

የዐቢይና የብርሃኑስ ትርፍ ፖለቲካ ወይንስ ገንዘብ?





ዐቢይ አሕመድ የጽንፈኛ ኦሮሞችን የአዲስ አበባ አጀንዳ ለማስፈጸም

ነው የመጣው ማለት ነውን?

ከሆነስ ‘ገዥዎቹ’ ለምን ከዐቢይ ይልቅ ጃዋርን መረጡ? ፖለቲካ?


ዐቢይም ጃዋር ለኢትዮጵያውያን ነፍስ መጥፋት በወንጀል ተጠያቂ ሆኖ ሳለ፥ ዜግነቱንም ለመረከብ አምስት ዓመት መጠበቅ ካላበት ለምንድነው ከሕጉ ውጭ የኢትዮጵያን ፓስፖርት እንደገና እንዲያገኝ የተፈቀደለት?

ተልዕኮው ተጠናቀቀ?


የሥልጣን ብልግና እንዴት የኦሮሞ ፓለቲካ አጀንዳ ማስፈጸሚያ ይሆናል?

ብዙ ነፍስ ሠቃይ ችግሮች እንዳላጣን፣ ለምን አሁን ይህ?


በሽቀላው መሃል፣


ኢትዮጵያ! እስከ ዛሬ የተማመንሽባቸው እግዚአብሔርና ብርቱ ልጆችሽ

ብቻ  ክንድ ይሁኑሽ!




A Rare Honour to Be…Addis Fortune

18 Dec

Posted by The Ethiopia Observatory (TEO)

by Addis Fortune

Part of the reason the Nobel Committee awarded the Prize to Abiy is this recognition of the enormity of the task. He needs to match it with acknowledgement and appreciation of the heavy weight of this burden. He would do himself a good favour if he keeps his distance from close aides whose worldviews are simplistic, as their take on issues is reductionist.

Members of the Nobel Committee have demonstrated their appreciation for the good-intentioned start he has made. It is clear that they wanted to encourage and support his efforts. In a sense, it is more aspirational than one given for a task completed. It is not the first time they have done that. The award of the Nobel Peace Prize at the beginning of Barack Obama’s presidency had also the same goal of encouraging instead of rewarding achievement.

Continue reading

Ethiopia, the scourge of ‘hate speech’ & American social media

10 Dec

Posted by The Ethiopia Observatory (TEO)

by David Kaye*

While Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed is in Stockholm to receive the Nobel Peace Prize, you might think that the people of Ethiopia would be abuzz with conversation and pride about this achievement. After all, Abiy has done something most thought inconceivable just a couple of years ago: initiated peace with Eritrea and, more important for day-to-day life in Ethiopia, ended the dark repression of the past quarter century.

Yet the buzz is elsewhere, the air full of talk of reform — and the threats to it. During a week-long mission to Ethiopia, I found that, at the top of everyone’s list of concerns is social media’s growing power and dissemination of hate speech and disinformation.

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‘Highly problematic’ Nobel Peace Prize winner silent, Nobel committee director says

6 Dec

Posted by The Ethiopia Observatory (TEO)

OSLO/ADDIS ABABA (Reuters) – Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed will not talk to the news media when he is in Oslo next week to receive the Nobel Peace Prize, drawing rare criticism from the award committee, which says a free and independent press is vital.

The Ethiopian leader won the prize in October for his peacemaking efforts which ended two decades of hostility with longtime enemy Eritrea.

Nobel Peace Prize laureates traditionally hold a news conference a day before the official ceremony on Dec. 10. But Abiy has told the Norwegian Nobel Committee he will not do so.

Neither will Abiy take questions from reporters after his meeting with Norwegian Prime Minister Erna Solberg, nor will he participate at an event with children celebrating peace held every year at the Nobel Peace Center, a museum.

That drew rare criticism from the secretive award committee, composed of Norwegian politicians and academics, which tends to refrain from commenting on past laureates.

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Why Ethiopians are losing faith in Abiy’s promises for peace

10 Nov

Posted by The Ethiopia Observatory (TEO)

by Yohannes Gedamu

When Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed came to power in 2018, the political reforms and initiatives he promised were met with much hope and optimism. He promised to address Ethiopia’s deteriorating ethnic relations, to build national unity, and reignite the stalled democratic process.

And his efforts to end the 20-year conflict with Eritrea won him the 2019 Nobel Peace Prize. Despite this accolade, Abiy’s Ethiopia continues to witness recurring incidents of violence within its borders. As a result, the tide of enthusiasm for the premier’s reforms is waning. The reforms, from the promise to release political prisoners, to the opening of the media space, now seem distant memories.

Abiy’s administration has failed to adequately address the political wrangling within the federal government and recurring ethnic conflict. These two factors are putting the country on the path to destruction. The federal government has failed to assert itself as the top authority. This has created space for regional actors to violently oppose the state.

Spiralling instability

The ethnic federal government, which has divided the country along tribal lines, and the legacy of Ethiopia’s authoritarian system, are structural challenges that cannot be underestimated. These challenges have not been addressed by Abiy’s administration. It is understood that reform takes time, but the premier’s flip flopping on some of the issues has caused uneasiness with his leadership. One such issue is the creation of a non-ethnic federation.

His muted response to the rising ethnic violence is worsening peace and security. Today, Ethiopia’s ethnic violence is costing thousands of lives and millions have been displaced. The situation is also weakening the country’s economy.

To make matters worse, the political leadership within the governing Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) is divided. Over the past few months in particular, the political parties that make up the ruling coalition have been blaming each other for Ethiopia’s political dysfunction.

As the wrangling continues, EPRDF’s constituent parties from the Oromia, Amhara and Tigray regions are asserting themselves more than ever. Some of the parties are known for advocating the politics of ethno-nationalism which has historically polarised Ethiopia’s ethnic federation. Ethno-nationalism is an ideology that defines national identity based on ethnicity.

Today, ethno-nationalists are seizing the opportunity to gain the political upper hand. Abiy’s regime’s failure to stabilise the nation, and declining public trust in his administration, have given them fresh political momentum.

His position has also been weakened by forces like the Tigray Peoples Liberation Front, the dominant political force in pre-Abiy Ethiopia, which is throwing its support behind the ethno-nationalist movements that are opposed to his leadership.

The premier’s dilemma

Abiy seems to be the prisoner of Ethiopia’s federal government, the very system that propped him up. This federal system draws its legitimacy from citizens maintaining a strong ethnic identity at the regional level. In light of this the new premier has two options.

One is to actively pursue the unifying agenda that made him popular, which would alienate his ethnic Oromo constituency. The other is to align with the interests of the Oromo ethno-nationalist movement. This would secure the electoral support of his political base in Oromia. But choosing the latter could deprive him of the non-Oromo support he has been enjoying.

Indeed, since Abiy was elected the nation has gone down a renewed path of violence. It is not only the Ethiopian people who are divided, it is also the political elites who had previously shown support for Abiy’s leadership. Ethiopia’s two majority groups – the Amharas and the Oromos – have been particularly critical of the prime minister’s perceived inability to address the country’s political tumult.

This follows a coup attempt in the Amhara region that left its president Ambachew Mekonnen, the country’s military chief-of-staff Seare Mekonnen, and three others dead. The Oromia region has also been the scene of recurrent violence where rallies against Abiy have recently erupted after Oromo activist Jawar Mohammed accused security forces of trying to orchestrate an attack against him.

Abiy has also been criticised for the reemergence of ethnic bias in the federal government’s political decision making.

Abiy’s response

Abiy has so far defended his administration’s response to the violence and called on Ethiopians to shun those who try to divide them. However, he has not distanced himself from front-line Oromo ethno-nationalist activists. This has led to the perception there is a pro-Oromo bias in his administration.

There are signs of a burgeoning political dysfunction, from the way in which the administration attempted to resettle internally displaced Ethiopians based on their ethnicity to the complacency in addressing the violence.

Abiy’s promise to foster national reconciliation through the new national reconciliation commission seems to be forgotten. The political space that opened up with Abiy’s election is closing. And the notorious torture chambers that were closed have been replaced by new jails that operate like the old ones. This throws the promise of a fair justice system into question.

All things considered, it would appear that the EPRDF old guard is an obstacle to Abiy’s reform process. It could also be that the new premier is no longer fully committed to the promise of a new Ethiopia. Fortunately for the prime minister a section of the public still has faith that the newly minted Nobel Laureate can deliver on his promises.

But if Abiy doesn’t take decisive steps to stabilise the country, chances are high that the Ethiopian state could crumble. To prevent this, the premier must assert the federal government’s power to ensure peace and security. He must negotiate with his adversaries and allies on the direction the country is taking, and find a way to tame powerful ethno-nationalist activists. Importantly, unless he genuinely attempts to reinvigorate ties between the parties in the ruling coalition, the country’s violent trajectory might not be reversed.


/The Conversation



ታላቅ የተቃውሞ ሠልፍ በአሜሪካ!

5 Nov

Posted by The Ethiopia Observatory (TEO)


Congressman Coffman:  I stand with you shoulder-to-shoulder with a more just and peaceful Ethiopia.”

SPEAKER:  Unless this gentleman [Jawar Siraj Mohammed] is stopped, what happened days ago is only a down payment for civil war!




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